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He describes a poor and hopeless life: A "normal" love between a young girl and her boyfriend transforms into crime. The boy rapes his girlfriend together with his friend, and the girl subsequently takes her revenge. Mystical terror. Vampires attacking defenseless people Drinking Blood, Family of Vampires, etc.

The problems of morals are rejected as ridiculous and old-fashioned The Sky in Diamonds, The Body will be in the Ground Communist terror. The heroes of the film endure executions and violence in concentration camps and prisons. The styles of communist terror films are rather diverse: traditional realistic, grotesque, ironic, etc. Some of these films produce a very shocking impression upon the audience Khrustalev, the Car! The prevailing models of the contents are: -Mass terror during war, such as communist terror: the communist regime deforms and transforms people into hangmen and victims.

This is especially evident in pictures about mass terror of Caucasians in the s Cold, The Road on the Edge of Life, etc. Violence in relation to children. Having received freedom, the Russian cinema has produced many hard and violent films about children. The action in these films often takes place at school or in prison. Such films are filled with scenes of dark restrooms, violence, drug addiction, and cruelty.

In one of these films a tutor in an orphanage, aware of the unofficial laws, chooses not to notice fresh blood on a mirror in a children's bedroom. In another a strong bully terrorizes a weak child. Twenty years ago, Russian movie-goers enjoyed sentimental stories about thoughtful and tender tutors.

But nearly every other film about children and youth made in the s was an indictment. On the Russian screen there are terrible images of hostile state houses, where the teachers are only additional tools for the violence. But these pictures are not intended for preschoolers and children under 10 years of age with sensitive psyches. Therefore it would be better to show these films on television after 10 p. At what time is it shown? Is screen violence accessible to the child audience? Except for STS, all television channels include television news programs times per day containing scenes of violence murder victims, accidents, military actions, terrorism, etc.

There are also special programs specializing in criminal topics: violence and victims of violence, bloody details of accidents etc. Some night programs are replayed in the morning. Tuesday: Again, strangled and murdered corpses are shown on the screen. This time four dead bodies are shown, including a close-up of a murdered gangster. Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday I monitored special Russian television programs dedicated to criminal themes over seven days from Monday, January 10th, to Sunday, January 16th, My recorded data are presented in the tables below.

They do this not only in the evening, but also in the morning and afternoon. These programming periods are quite open to the junior audience. Two dead bodies in pools of blood were shown in The Police Station in the program January 13th , , as well as close-ups of more corpses in a program from January 14th , Similar documentary shots were shown on Road Patrol TV-6 on January 1st, 10th , 11th , and 13th , I emphasize that it would be perfectly acceptable if criminal television programs were shown to adults and after 10p.

Adults should have independent choice. But I have already argued, they are accessible to young children in the morning and afternoon as well. Certainly, some scenes of violence are shown in usual television news in Russia. There are dozens of films and serials each week mainly from the US, France, and Latin America containing all kinds of violence. We compared U. The majority of films containing realistic images of violence are shown after 10 p. However, similar productions often occur during "children's time".

The following is the television film repertoire between January 10th and 16th , between the hours of 6 a. Monday: On the whole the repertoire of leading Russian television companies did not contain serials and films with excessive violence.

If violence occurred in the course of a plot, it was represented in an unrealistic manner for example, in the serial Murder, She Wrote. The famous hit Highlander ORT, 7 — 11 p. Certainly, violence in Highlander lacks horrifying realism - it is violence from fairy tales and legends. Also, the protagonist. Nevertheless, in the US this film was rated "R" Restricted.

In this serial there was a great deal of violence battles, duels, fights, murders , but it lacked realistic detail. Tuesday: At p. There were many fights and much violence, but without realistic detail. This film contained scenes of violence, but without much realism. Thursday: From p. Friday: Each Friday at p. The serial contained scenes of violence.

Saturday: At p. From 7 till 9 p. It should be also noted that the leading female character is a young girl. In the morning — 9 a. The same channel from to p. A close-up of a dead woman and man is included in the opening credits of each part of this popular television serial. Certainly, relative to the violence in crime documentaries, the violence in feature films does not seem as horrifying or shocking.

However, the negative influence on the psychology and mentality of minors is significant. The abundance of violence suggests that violence is the only way to solve conflicts. The authors observed the reaction of children during a showing of the violent film Art of Death. This film contains various sorts of murders.

Younger children watching experienced shock. I think it is clear that scenes of violence have a harmful influence on children. Both in games and in reality, children frequently imitate what they have seen, including violence "acquired" with help from the media screen. As a result they may perceive violence as an acceptable social model of behavior and as a means to solve problems.

One may or may not agree with these conclusions, but one cannot deny the horrifying statistics of child and teenage cruelty and criminality, nor the fact that an overwhelming majority of criminal minors cited "screen examples or analogies" among the motives for their crimes.

In Germany, Sweden and other countries of Europe, special laws protecting children from violence on the screen have appeared. In Russia there are still no protective measures of this kind" Abramenkova, , p. Many Russian sociologists, film historians, and journalists share my point of view. Grunsky emotionlessly describes the terrible scenes from Chechnya.

In one shot, a Chechen soldier shoots the hand of a hostage. In the next shot the man pleads for help. I must confess, it is terrifying for me even to retell it - not to mention to watch it. A victim of an explosion in Moscow… Programs such as Road Patrol, Accidents of The Week, Criminal Russia and others fill domestic television channels and enjoy high ratings. They speculate on a phenomenon of human sub-consciousness - attracting the viewer to the violent plots. Ivanova writes, "Our television channels, mildly speaking, at any time demonstrate programs, commercials, feature films that distort or hurt the gentle mentality of a child and create a cold, aggressive man" Ivanova, , p.

Therefore many viewers are excited by episodes of violence, and in them an almost instinctual fascination arises Tarasov, , p. Teenage crime in Russia is becoming a national crisis and many lawyers label low-standard action films as the catalyst Tarasov, , p. Young viewers can be conventionally divided. Of the films this group watched during four weeks, half or even a majority contained scenes of violence. Certainly not.

An adult audience has a right to know what the state of crime is in Russia and abroad. But violence on the screen should be not open to children under year ages with gentle and sensitive mentalities. Hence, films and television programs that include violence, accidents, and wars should be shown at nighttime and should not be replayed in the morning and daytime. Thankfully, our children under ten are usually indifferent to our political and economic crises.

Mom, Daddy, and Video. In: Trud. May 28, p. In: Torr, J. Kid at the Screen. Operation "Provocation". In: Kultura. N 35, p. In: Test by Competition. The People and Anti-People. Russian Teenagers and Violence on the Screen 4. Description of the Test This is one of the first studies of violence on media screen in modern Russia.

A public debate about Youth and Violence on the Screen exists because Russian television channels frequently show violent films and television programs. I compiled survey data from sixteen and seventeen year old students of Taganrog's high schools and of the first course of Taganrog State Pedagogical Institute. The test was conditionally divided into 3 parts: 1. Violence on the Screen: Teenage Orientations and Preferences; 2. Teenagers and Violence on the Screen: Situational Tests. Violence on the Screen: Teenage Orientations and Preferences: 1.

Teenagers were given a list of forty Russian and foreign films, about half of them popular comedies and melodramas containing no violence. In the other half thrillers, horror films, criminal and war epics , violence often played a major role. Since these films are often shown on television and are available on video, we can suggest that teenagers who are attracted to violence will prefer this latter, more violent half; 2.

By analogy to this, I compiled a list of popular computer games among youth. I assumed that a teenager who favored games filled with fights and shooting Doom would not mind seeing violence on the screen; 3. After an indirect clarification of teenage attitude towards violence on the screen, I proceeded to the direct questions 3, 4, and 5. Through these questions it was possible to learn which films, television shows, and computer games of which countries, genres, and themes contained the most violence. From a sample of forty countries, many African, Asian, and South American countries were absent because their film or television industries did not reach the Russian market.

For that purpose, the film list was solely violent productions. Were a teenager to prefer American thrillers and horror films, then among his favorite characters would be such heroes as the Terminator or Rambo; 5. A number of students who made such a choice would like to resemble their hero in behavior and world outlook n 8. Part 2. Through direct questioning we quantified the students who were attracted and not attracted to scenes of violence on the screen.

One may presume that the entertainment value of a show or recreation would attract, and that fear of blood, violence, and crime would repel. Proceeding from numerous observations in cinema theaters, we assumed that teenagers attracted to violence on the screen would frequent cinemas together with friends three or more. We then asked questions concerning motives for watching violence on the screen and concerning the psychological state afterwards. Given the psychology of teenagers aspiration to self-affirmation, appearing mature, etc.

More often, teenagers emphasized that it does not influence them. It is natural that teenagers claim to not remember scenes of violence nor to discuss them, but if they do discuss them they prefer to do so among friends. The psychology of a teenager does not allow him to consider his parents as interlocutors. Part 3. Teenagers and Violence on the Screen: Situational Tests In this part of the test, teenagers faced hypothetical game situations. Some of the questions may seem trivial - for instance, a question about naming pets.

Yet these were purposefully included so as to relax the teenagers between more serious questions. The first question asked which videotape a teenager would take with him to a desert island. This question to some extent duplicated the question n 1, Part 1. A teenager who has, even only in his imagination, just one film at his disposal for a long period of time may may somehow change his preferences. That is, a person who prefers watching violent films would not necessarily choose to keep Rambo on a desert island. The second question concerned a comic situation with choosing names for pets.

This question provided an opportunity to indirectly explore the degree of popularity of movie characters among teenagers. The third question directly asked teenagers' reactions to scenes of violence on the screen. This question intentionally repeated a question in Part 2 because it was presumed that teenagers who liked scenes of violence on the screen would not switch off the television when violence was shown. Such is the case with the fourth question, in which a teenager was asked about his interest in acting in scenes of violence on the screen.

It was presumed that a teenager who disapproved of violence on the screen would not act in a violent film production. The fifth question generated a discussion of reasons for and influence of aggression and violence in society, as well as and the prohibition of violence on the screen. This question was also aimed to affirm the answers to previous parts of the test: a person who enjoyed watching scenes of violence on the screen, probably would not point at such violence as the reason for increasing crime in real-life, nor would be pay attention to its influence nor wouldn't demand censorship.

The last question asked the age at which children should be allowed to watch scenes of violence on the screen. Teenagers who enjoy violence on the screen chose the lowest age possible or were against any prohibitions whatever. To determine the degree of popularity of violent screen productions films, television shows, and computer games. The obtained information helped me to take into consideration the real preferences of teenagers and to pay.

To determine to what extent teenagers associate productions of different genres, countries, and themes with violence on the screen. The results I obtained explained the teenage approach to mass media culture and the ability to distinguish between different genres and themes. To reveal the primary traits of popular movie characters - including those whom they would like to resemble.

I was careful to take into consideration new fashions and trends and to pay attention to popular films and heroes. To quantify the students who are attracted to scenes of violence on the screen. This number should coincide with the number of students who prefer heroes of bloody thrillers and horror films.

To reveal the main factors attracting teenagers to scenes of violence on the screen, such as entertaining function, function of identification, compensatory function, function of recreation, professional directorship, outstanding acting, and outstanding special effects. To establish the motives for disliking of scenes of violence on the screen. This is also important for the special student course.

To find out with whom teenagers prefer to watch scenes of violence on the screen, and to ascertain the communicative results and consequences of such shows. This is important for a comparison of the audience's self-evaluation with the results of the test on the whole. Teenagers and Violence on the Screen: Situational Tests 8. To find out the type of teenage reaction to scenes of violence on the screen.

To learn about the imaginary readiness of teenagers to act in a violent scene in a film. The results confirmed students' answers concerning their attitudes towards on-screen violence. To determine teenage opinion of the reasons for violence and aggression in society, of the influence of violence on the screen upon the increase of crimes, and of prohibition of scenes of violence on the screen including with regard to their future children.

The analysis of the results will also confirmed tendencies revealed in the first two parts of the test. Violence on the screen: teenage orientations and preferences Made clear by the data in Table 1, just 4 of 10 popular films contained violence From Dusk Till Dawn, Speed, Basic Instinct, Twin Peaks , while the top. Therefore we may conclude that on-screen violence is not so popular for students as screen comedies.

Bu the way, the Russian comedies Diamond Hand and Gentlemen of Good Luck were included in the hit-film list, and placed third The same situation took place concerning teenage attitude toward violent computer games Table 2. Tetris took first place We must point out that in Russia not every family has a computer, so teenage access to computer games is still rather limited. An analysis of Table 4 suggested that teenagers know which countries produce the most violent screen productions.

The United State and Hong Kong were the primary production centers. Teenagers pointed out that violence on the screen in the 's also became common in Russian media. It is notable that no European country except Italy, which placed 5th with This may be explained not only by the "peaceful" character of European screen production, but also by the absence of Russian contact with productions from European countries except Italy and France.

Tables 4 and 5 suggest that Russian teenagers distinguish well the genres and themes of screen violence: action, drama, horror, criminal, war, science-fiction, psychological, etc. Among the character traits teenagers admired were "firmness" To my mind, this supports the idea of a negative influence of on-screen violence upon the young audience. A comparative analysis of Tables 1 and 6 showed that there was some difference between teenagers' favorite films and their protagonists.

The same situation was true with the television series Twin Peaks: Teenagers would like to emulate the movie characters mentioned above in world outlook A low percentage of teenagers chose to answer this question because many teenagers considered this question to be childish and "just for kids". On the margins of some tests was written, "I'm too old to imitate anyone".

Teenage attitude to on-screen violence: reasons and results The data listed in Table 9 show that A comparative analysis of Tables 1, 2, 6, and 9 proves that the self-evaluation of teenagers corresponds to their real screen preferences. The test I made in Table 10 revealed factors that influence teenage perception and estimation of on-screen violence. Among the factors that attracted teenagers were: entertaining function, acting, direction, recreation, informative function, special effects, and action dynamics.

Quite often a teenager who were entertained by a film also claimed that the performance and directors' work was good.

In Table 10 just 5. Their reasons for disliking on-screen violence are shown in Table First among the most common reasons was the influence on the increase of crimes. The second was disgust towards bloody details of violence, hatred, fear of violence, and unwillingness to experience unpleasant emotions. Tables 12 and 17 confirm a known truth: teenagers prefer to watch television and discuss together with their friends.

According to Table 16 — Such is the case with on-screen violence. Table 14 reflects the main types of psychological states in which teenagers find themselves after they watched on-screen violence. Teenagers and violence on the screen. Table 18 suggests that despite liking on-screen violence, not all of the As in Table 1, first place in screen preferences was taken. As for the violent films, the highest number of votes was received by From Dusk Till Dawn 3. In Table 19 the data of a comic situation are given.

This comic situation was included to relax students. The results of Table 20 are important because they checked the data of Tables 9 and The number of teenagers who continue to watch a film despite onscreen violence should correspond to the number of students who answered "yes" to the question of attraction to violence in Table 9.

Likewise, the number of teenagers who avoid on-screen violence should correspond to the number of teenagers who answered "no" to the questions of Tables 9 and This is precisely what occurred. Table 21 shows the data reflecting teenage attitude toward acting in on-screen violence. The data shows that more than half the students Only 7. It is my opinion that to a large degree the economic situation in Russia explains these results.

As for the reasons behind violence and aggression in society, teenagers claimed in Table 22 that violence is in the nature of all humans and also mentioned psychological diseases. On-screen violence was mentioned as a cause of real-life violence only by 3. The data in Table 23 confirm this orientation of the audience: Such a scattered spectrum of view points can be explained perhaps by the fact that the attitude of teenagers toward on-screen violence is not yet final, and that this is why some of them sometimes answer differently to similar questions.

The data of Table 24 are also comparable with the results of Tables 9, 11, 20, 21 and Teenagers who, according to Table 9, were attracted to on-screen violence no doubt wanted zero restrictions concerning on-screen violence: According to the data in Table 24, This number corresponds to the data in Table 9 Just 3. A comparison between Tables 24 and 25 showed that there was a great disparity of opinion concerning age restrictions for watching on-screen violence generally Table 9 and age restrictions for future children Table Assuming the role of a censor, teenagers considered it possible to ban onscreen violence for all children Acting as parents they became much stricter: The latter figures correspond to the results of Tables 9, 10, 20 and From an analysis of the test Russian Teenagers and On-Screen Violence one may conclude that the influence of on-screen violence upon Russian teenagers is rather significant.

About half the teenagers were positive about its demonstration: they enjoyed films, television shows, and computer games containing on-screen violence and they admired the characters - including "bad guys". A third of the teenagers were not sure about their opinion of on-screen violence, although they claimed to not be attracted by it.

The influence of Russian schools upon the teenage relationship with on-screen violence is minimal. All this can't but evoke alarm, because since the s on-screen violence has begun to penetrate into Russian society more and more. There is no effective system of ratings for watching and selling videos or PC-games. In spite of the efforts of some teacher-enthusiasts, the media education at schools, colleges and universities remains relatively poor.

Cinema preferences of Russian teenagers 1. Pretty Woman USA, Diamond Hand Russia, Gentlemen of Good Luck Russia, Back to the Future USA, Speed USA, Irony of the Fortune Russia, Basic Instinct USA, Twin Peaks USA, White Sun of the Desert Russia, Favorite PC-games of Russian teenagers 1. Sport Games. Mortal Combat. No opportunity to play PC-games. Russian teenage estimation of countries that produce the most films, television shows, and PC-games containing on-screen violence.

China Hong Kong. Films, television shows, and PC-game genres that, according to Russian teenagers, most frequently accompany on-screen violence 1. Films, television shows, and PC-game themes that, according to Russian teenagers, most frequently accompany on-screen violence 1. Violent films whose protagonists are admired by Russian teenagers 1. Twin Peaks The Silence of the Lambs The Godfather From Dusk Till Dawn The Terminator Basic Instinct Nikita Bram Stoker's Dracula Rambo Nightmare on Elm Street Natural Born Killers The Professional Pulp Fiction Once Upon a Time in America Friday the 13th Character traits that Russian teenagers admire in heroes of violent films 1.

Ways in which Russian teenagers would most like to resemble the heroes of violent films 1. World Outlook. Attitude toward people. Russian teenage attitude toward on-screen violence 1. Attracted by the violence. Not attracted by the violence.

No definite opinion about the problem. Factors attracting Russian teenagers to on-screen violence 1. Entertaining function. Outstanding acting. Professional directing. Function of recreation. Information function. Outstanding special effects. Function of identification. No attractive factors. Compensatory function. Motivations for not liking on-screen violence 1. Violence on the screen increases violence in real life. Disgust towards seeing blood and crippled people. Hatred toward violence of any kind. Fear of violence of any kind. Not wanting to experience negative emotions.

The type of company with whom Russian teenagers prefer to watch on-screen violence 1. Girlfriend, boyfriend. Motivations for watching on-screen violence 1. Nothing else to do. Good mood. Low spirits. Disagreement with parents. Psychological states in which Russian teenagers find themselves after watching on-screen violence. Psychological state doesn't change. Indifference 1. How long Russian teenagers remember on-screen violence 1. On-screen violence are remembered for a short time only. On-screen violence are forgotten immediately. On-screen violence are remembered for a long time.

Russian teenage attitude towards discussing on-screen violence 1. On-screen violence is discussed sometimes. On-screen violence is discussed regularly. On-screen violence is never discussed. The type of company with whom Russian teenagers prefer to discuss on-screen violence 1.

Films that Russian teenagers would take to a desert island 1. Favorite names of pets, named after movie characters 1. Russian teenage reaction to on-screen violence 1.

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Calmly continuing watching. Food in front of the television. Turning away from the television. Turning down the volume. Turning off the television. Russian teenage attitude toward acting in violent films 1. Would participate on the condition of high pay.

Would participate to show off. Would not participate because of a lack of acting talent. Would not participate because of a preference for erotic scenes. Would not participate because of a disgust for on-screen violence. Reasons for violence and aggression in society 1. Inherent to the human nature. Psychological deviants. Material inequality. On-screen violence. Russian teenage opinion on the influence of on-screen violence upon the increase of the crime in society 1.

On-screen violence leads to an increase in crime among those with psychotic behavior. On-screen violence leads to a small increase in crime. On-screen violence does not lead to an increase in crime because crimes existed before the invention of cinema and television. On-screen violence undoubtedly leads to an increase in crime.

On-screen violence does not lead to an increase in crime because it disgusts people. Russian teenage attitude towards prohibition of on-screen violence 1. The current levels of on-screen violence are acceptable. Only the most violent scenes should be proscribed. On-screen violence should be proscribed because it makes people aggressive. Children should not be allowed to watch on-screen violence because it is for adults only. Children under the age of 10 should not be allowed to watch on-screen violence. Children under the age of 15 should not be allowed to watch on-screen violence.

Further on-screen violence won't do any harm.

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The age at which Russian teenagers would allow their children to watch on-screen violence 1. From birth. Sherry, L. Aggressive video game characters, similar to TV characters, might serve as models for aggressive behavior. According to this theory, violent video games would be expected to increase aggression only in the presence of anger from some other cause.

For example, according to this theory, someone for whom thoughts of aggression have been evoked might be more likely to interpret an ambiguous behavior as aggressive and respond accordingly. Fifth, drive-reduction theory suggest, similar to catharsis theory, that violent video games may be useful in managing aggression. Integrative model based on the notion that a combination of priming and arousal effect best account for greater aggression effects in the short term, which weaken as initial arousal wears off Bensley, Van Eenwyk, , p.

Video games are relatively recent invention, being first introduced in the s. We can find the same conclusion in the work of E. Provenzo Provenzo, : 40 of 47 most popular video games in included violence as a major theme. However I agree with J. Of course all these tendencies are very typical and for Russian children audience.

Ten years ago, Russian children spent much of their time with VCRs. They watched American blockbusters from pirated videocassettes of terrible quality. There are no deficit American films in modern Russia. The different television channels show from morning to night show dozens of foreign thrillers, melodramas, comedies and horrors.

Today, Russian children from low-paid families spend many hours in computer clubs, where they play video games for a relatively small charge. Children from richer families play these games at home. But what games do they play? I undertook a special content analysis of 87 video games which circulate in Russian computer clubs. These are the results of the analysis: 1 practically all video games available for visitors to computer clubs the visitors are nearly all teenagers contain interactive criminal, military, fantastic and sporting for instance, car races subjects; 2 only Many games presented the violence in several types and combinations of fights, murders, tortures, catastrophes, etc.

The more complex games - so-called "strategies" and "quests" - are less common. The results confirmed my preliminary observation that vast majority of visitors are boys 73 persons. The amount of schoolgirls playing video games in computer clubs was only 3. The younger children from 7 to 9 years of age , usually living under more parental supervision, form the minority from 1 to 5 percent. Moreover, children from 11 to 14 years of age prefer video games with murders, fights and other hard elements of violence Doom, Final Doom, Resident Evil, and Mortal Kombat.

To play violent video games and to understand real-life violence are quite different. Olimpia, WA, 47 pp. Video Kids. Renewing the Mind of the Media Certainly, the channels like this too exist in the USA, but they are, as a rule, belong to the information types. From the beginning of the XXI century almost all American television programs going on the paid channels, are accompanied by age ratings.

And TV Guide study counted 1, acts of violence in 18 hours of viewing time, an average of violent acts per hour, or one every 36 seconds. The conclusion after 6, hours of programs from 23 channels between 6 a. All programs listed in a TV Guide from 6 a. However, in my opinion, this consolation is rather an illusion because fantasy and fiction quite often contain scenes of the most naturalistic and severe violence represented in close-up bloody format.

The percentage of fantastic and realistic violence in the American TV is submitted on Tab. Punishments more typically occur toward the end of the program, but only for bad characters. So, the results of long-term researches of the American scientists convincingly prove, that episodes of violence occupy a significant part of modern television programs. Many researchers are alarmed and concerned about that. At the same time there are also opponents of limitations of violence in audiovisual media. We will consider their basic argument below. Lauham — N. In: Wekesser, C.

In: Hamilton, J. The typical child between the age of two and eighteen currently consumes an average of 5. Television 2 hours, 46 minutes is the clear favorite, followed by computer games and other computer uses 49 minutes , recorded music 48 minutes , reading 44 minutes and radio 39 minutes Slaby, , p. As the results before finishing elementary school, the average US child is said to have watched 8, murders and , acts of violence on screen. By the age of 18, the American child will have watched 40, murders and , acts of violence, according to the American Medical Association Basta, , p.

We do not really know. But no one seriously suggests that television violence is one of the major causes. For example, they could find no evidence to support the position that people experience a catharsis of deep-seated fears, such as fear of the dark, or fear of aging, death, AIDS, technology, or the unknown. However similar statements are frequently not based on practical experimental researches, and their authors are quite often somehow connected to the activity of these or that media agencies which, undoubtedly, are interested in absence of any restrictions for distribution of media texts, including subjects of violence.

Unfortunately, they are wrong on both counts. American researcher J. We use violence on television to tell, not sell, stories. Violence on television is a reflection of violence in society. Hamilton found that the percentage of stories devoted to crime and the percentage of lead stories dealing with crime were not related to crime rate in a city Hamilton, , p.

Images on television do not influence behavior. Television is less violent today. But J. Hamilton convincingly writes: violence has simply migrated to basic and premium cable channels. Violence is used in high-quality films. Yet these types of movies are only a small percentage of those shown on television. This statement is false again: in a sample of 5, violent movies on broadcast, basic cable, and premium channels, J.

I agree with him: basically violent films on American TV are not top or art house pictures. Ordinary the television mainstream is B-class movies… American researcher S. America has always been a violent nation and always will be: violence is as American as cherry pie. Why focus the policy debate on TV violence when there are other more important factors that contribute to violence?

How can you definitively pinpoint, and thus prove, the link between viewing TV violence and acts of real violence? It would be unrealistic and a disservice to viewers as well as to society to attempt to wipe violence off the screen. How, then, can they go to discuss what to do about it?

It is too late to take action against violence on television, considering the plethora of video channels by which entertainment violence will soon be available in homes. It should be up to parents, not to the television industry, to monitor the programs that their children watch. Any public policy to decrease TV violence constitutes censorship and represents an intolerable interference with free speech Bok, , pp.

The majority of the given arguments seem demagogical to me. I will try to explain, why. Certainly, the problem of violence in a society has arisen for some millenniums before media occurrence and, of course there are the factors much more influencing real violence in society than media texts. However it does not mean at all, that media must ignore the public and scientific debate of the case.

Scientists study any illness and try to struggle with it not waiting for the total epidemic Certain disagreement in the wordings of such concepts as "violence", "screen violence", etc. We have many rigorous supporters of various philosophical and aesthetic key concepts, but that does not prevent us from scientific discussions. But it does not mean, that naturalistic details of this real world should fall from TV, for example, upon children till years — in the morning, day time and early evening - without any age rating systems and the control.

It is never late to reflect on it and to try to protect the sensitive mentality of a preschool child from media violence I agree, parents should adjust contacts of their minor children with media violence, but it does not mean, that media agencies can deliver on the market more and more bloody production without any limitations. The freedom of speech will not suffer at all from regulation time of display, age ratings and so on of media violence because the adult audience, for example, can watch telecasts after p.

Moreover, in some cases the American corporations. The connection between consumption of media violence and real violence, aggression in a society was proved. In a recent Gallup Poll, 62 percent of adults said violent entertainment was one of the major causes of violence among young people. The researches of J.

These were also all violent crime offenders. However I am convinced, that the problem is not only that media violence can promote the increase of crimes in the society the basic source of modern criminality, certainly, is not the media. The main thing, that fragile mentality of children under years age receive the essential harm fear, the stutter, the oppressed emotional condition, etc. I studied such cases in Russia… Besides frequently authors of media texts intentionally aspire to create an. For example, attractive actors are cast for the parts of gangsters and their girlfriends, 'bad gays' enjoy 'dolce vita', etc.

Violence can be presented, as something rather fanny or glamorous. For example, Q. Something similar easily can be found out and in the modern Russian films Antikiller, 24 Hours and others , and TV film serials The Brigade where gangsters and mafia-men are shown like "normal" and even nice people who do their job and make good money, who are loyal friends, etc. Media Violence Harms Children. Is Media Violence a Problem? TV Violence, Children, and the Press. Discussion Paper D Harvard University, pp. Media Violence Increases Violence in Society. In: Media Violence Alert. Sacramento, CA: Foundation for Change, pp.

Group, 64 pp. In: Media Violence: Opposing Viewpoints. Violence on Television Is a Serious Problem In: Katzemann, C. Effects of Media Violence The problem of the influence of media violence on a minor audience has been studied by the western scientists for already about years. For example, J. A micro-level has the focus on psychological relationships between violent media texts and personality.

They become disproportionately frightened of being victimized and become less likely to help victims of crime. In this sense I completely agree with the well-known American specialist J. And the traumatization of children is not necessarily a slow, incremental process. Similar conclusions can be found in the research of G.

Children may believe that violence is more common than it really is. Fear or. They may often see violence as an acceptable way to handle a problem. American researchers allocate a number of typical influences which media violence can perform on an audience: aggression effect, fear effect, callousness effect, appetite for violence effect Slaby, , pp. The most vulnerable audience in this respect are children under years of age, psychologically, intellectually and morally still almost not adapted to life in a modern society.

And if this reality is submitted for children as infinite turns of fights, murders and other kinds of violence, it, undoubtedly, can have a negative effect on their psychological condition. As a result of long-term researches J. There are a variety of reasons that such an interest might exist. Another reason could be that children have an instrumental approach to media viewing, and try to expose themselves to media from which they can learn important lessons relevant to their own problems.

Confirming these conclusions J. For example: "violent shows make me think about things in my own life", "I can learn to protect myself by watching television violence", "I enjoy watching people on violent shows fight and hurt each other" Cantor, , p. I absolutely agree with J. A more complex structure of the reasons for attractiveness of media violence for an audience has been offered as a result of long-term researches by J. Goldstein: 1 Subject characteristics.

Those most attracted to violent imagery are: males; more aggressive than average; moderate to high in need for sensation or arousal; in search of social identity, or a way to bond with friends; curious about the forbidden, or interested because of their scarcity; have a need to see justice portrayed or restored; able to maintain emotional distance to prevent images from being too disturbing. Violent images are more attractive: in a safe, familiar environment; when war or crime are salient Goldstein, , p. Comparing a substantiation of the reasons of the appeal of the image of violence in media texts, put forward by J.

Cantor and J. Goldstein, it is possible to find out many similar positions arousal, empathy, scarcity, apprehension, forbidden fruit, and other effects. And "arguably more pervasive and often underemphasized are the other two risks associated with television violence: fear and desensitization" Kunkel, Wilson, and others, , pp. My research experience also shows, that many of these effects are especially vivid in children's audience. African American children commonly have been found to watch more television than white children … When African American, Hispanic, Asian American, or Native American characters appear, they are often stereotyped as either dangerous aggressors or victims of violence.

But for every 10 female perpetrators of violence, there were 16 female victims. However, as we have demonstrated, certain types of violent portrayals may pose a much greater risk of negative psychological effects than others Kunkel, D. Cantor has found out, that media violence has a strong and long negative influence on many people. The results were astonishing. Of students, 90 percent had such a story to tell.

For example, many reported refusing to swim in the ocean after seeing Jaws some reported giving up swimming altogether! Even more remarkably, more than one-fourth of these students said the effects had lasted more than a year and that they were still bothered by that program or movie — even though they had seen it an average of six years earlier! I completely share the point of view of J. Interest in violent imagery changes with the times. Politicians and others who debate violent entertainment focus only on its production while ignoring its public reception. By the way, bear in mind that the sociological researches as a whole show that media violence is yet?

Most viewers appears to prefer comedies and sitcoms to violent entertainment. In: Goldstein, J. Zionsvill: Dream Catcher Press, Inc. Mankato, Minnesota: Life Matters, 64 pp. Why so much selectivity for what is a crime and who is really a criminal? Who let the [junta] torturers walk free? Was it the people or was it your independent justice?

What they didnt know exactly was who were behind this action and that was thanks to a campaign of disinformation, distortion and dis- orientation by the government, the political parties and the media. When the campaign of 17N began, a campaign of disinformation began with it and still continues to this day. When Aris would enter a vil- lage and give under the nose of the Germans a speech in the village square with his armed partisans in formation, he was both demonstrating that armed resist- ance was possible and cultivating the ground for further activity.

An emblematic personality of 17N terrorism, Koufodinas embraced the view that Greeces self-negating democracy neces- sitated exactly the kind of political violence they had undertaken. Obsessively clinging to his conviction that they took on the capitalist state and its agents, Koufodinas maintained that 17N were attempting to create an insurrectionary mood that would empower Greek people to take revolutionary political action.

Alexandros Giotopoulos, on the other hand, maintained throughout the trial that he had no involvement whatsoever with the group. In denying all charges against him, Giotopoulos asserted that the role of the [17N] leader was a police fabrication and that the main reason why he was put behind bars was because the Americans, the British and their collaborators in the Greek govern- ment want it that [way].

At the same time, he placed the groups actions in a political environment which, in his view, necessitated armed intervention in daily life. From his point of view, 17N activity was not terrorism but an armed political struggle with the aim of toppling the capitalist regime in favour of an anti-bureaucratic form of socialism that would give power to the people.

As such, he saw militant opposition as the only effective form of political pressure against American hege- monism and an unresponsive regime. According to his analysis, it was the perpetuation of the dependence on the USA, the reproduction of huge economic inequalities and the total absence of a basic welfare state together with the low level of workers income and the disap- pearance of agricultural income which drove young people to take up arms against representatives of dominant circles, place bombs against symbolic targets and violently clash with repressive mecha- nisms.

When asked by the chief judge if he would find the courage like his co-defendant Koufodinas to accept responsi- bility for his past actions, Giotopoulos characteristic reply was: thats exactly what I would have done, had I actually been the leader. Even if one sets aside the ludi- crousness of his claim that he has been framed in an Anglo-American conspir- acy because of his activity against the Greek dictatorship, the strongest aspect of his self-defence was that he relied up to the end on a heavy dose of defi- ance and mystique, as if this would somehow efface critique.

Denouncing the hearing as a travesty of justice the decision is ridiculous, the entire world is laughing and bombastically calling todays Greece. In that sense, Giotopoulos, like the majority of 17N members, had been impervious to political logic. Although the group saw its violence as an auda- cious protest against the Greek establishment, it never moved beyond terrorism to provoke a situation of crisis for the establishment it so bitterly opposed. Given its conception of political intervention and extra-parliamentary activism, 17Ns organizational evolution was always certain to culminate into a full-scale cam- paign of terrorist violence.

Ignoring the fact that violence should not take the place of the political purpose, nor obliterate it, 53 17N continued the sporadic killing and wounding of high-profile targets as the most effective way to crystal- lize public disaffection against the regime and embed itself in mainstream con- sciousness. For a Place in History What was 17N after all? According to Giotopouloss defence lawyer, Yiannis Rachiotis, 17N was an organisation very different from the rest of the Left and from other armed groups that operated in Western Europe.

Irrespective of Rachiotiss readings and despite attempts by group members to justify their actions as an extension of a historically defined Greek communist tradition and a quest for national independence and nationhood, 17N was never an authentic revolutionary group.

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Rather, it was a clandestine band of disillusioned armed militants with a flair for revolutionary rhetoric and symbolism for whom terror- ism had become a way of life: a career. It was not even a variable of the move- ment gone crazy, to use the phraseology of Italian terrorist-philosopher Antonio Negri. Koufodinass stubborn refusal throughout the trial to confront reali- ty made him speak like a man whose entire sense of life revolved around the belief that destiny had somehow granted him this extraordinary privilege that he must guard well and pass on at some historical point.

Feeling themselves to be a genuine instrument of history, 17N leaders advanced the view that it did not mat- ter that there could never be a military victory as long as 17N intervened and resisted. For 17Ns operational leader, Dimitris Koufodinas, and the majority of his comrades what was and probably remains important was the act of resistance itself. And the notion that blood and death, even your own, somehow would carry the mission forward, ultimately securing 17N a place in history.

Endnotes 1. For a detailed account of the sequence of events that led to the breakthrough against 17N, see Odyssey September-October The longest in modern Greek history. Telios, who turned himself in and was diagnosed with a severe psychiatric disability, was the only con- victed member to receive a suspended sentence and walk free pending an appellate trial, on the condition that he report to his local police precinct monthly and not leave the country. Only four convicts received less than the maximum 25 years: Thomas Serifis 17 years , Dionysis Georgiadis nine years , and eight years each to Nikos Papanastasiou and Pavlos Serifis.

Papanastasiou and Tselentis together with two of the acquitted Koufodinas wife, Angeliki Sotiropoulou, and former trade unionist Yiannis Serifis will be tried again following appeals filed by the state prosecutor. See Michael Y. See Yonah Alexander and Dennis A. Pluchinsky, eds. Richard Welch attack communiqu, dated December Apantissi sta Kommata kai tis Organosseis was published by the Athens daily, Eleftherotypia, in five parts between 27 March and 4 April Last summer, it was the only newspaper that published a text written by the German fighter Ralf Pole.

Our text, surely, is long. Yet, it could be published in two or three parts. We have sent this text to your newspaper only.

traditional home-made koumiss: Topics by

We shall wait one week. In case some pres- sures prevent you from publishing it, we shall then send it elsewhere. Signature: Revolutionary Organization 17 November. April See M. Smith, Fighting for Ireland? See 17N Angelopoulos attack communiqu, undated. Dimitris Angelopoulos, a steel magnate, was shot and killed on a central Athens street on his way to work on 8 April Tax offices attack communiqu, dated 3 October Kapsalakis attack communiqu, dated 1 February Attack communiqu on US military bus, dated 5 August Attack communiqus US military buses, dated 11 April and 5 August respectively.

Communiqu-commentary on the Bank of Crete scandal, dated 11 November Bakoyiannis attack communiqu, dated 18 September Manifesto , dated 17 November Shipowner Costas Peratikos was ambushed and killed by 17N in broad daylight on a busy Piraeus street. Dimitris Koufodinas was born in in the village of Terpni, 45 kilometres from the city of Serres in northern Greece. Terpni was, as it remains today, a typical Greek northern village that prides itself on the ordinariness of its daily life and unexciting decency of its people.

In , when Koufodinas was 13, his father moved the family to Athens at a time when the Greek cap- ital was in turmoil because of the Colonels dictatorial regime. Metapolitefsi, the transi- tion from dictatorship to democracy, seems to have had a strong impact on Koufodinass early political formation. The transition, it has to be emphasized, was not the result of a clear and sharp break with the Colonels junta but the product of a whole range of compromises and negotiations between elite-level political actors and the military.

Metapolitefsi, or junta by another name as 17N called the transition in several communiqus, had a formative influence on Koufodinass politicization as his early involvement in student politics attests to. Koufodinas is remembered by secondary school friend, Nikos Giannopoulos, who testified in court, as someone whose depth and intellect were impressive for his age and who could have, had he stayed on course, landed himself at a later stage an important job in party-politics or the state bureaucracy..

Another friend from his days of student activism, remembered Koufodinas as a calm, articulate young man with guts and ideological consistency. Relatives also described Koufodinas as somebody who never liked upsetting people. Koufodinas broke family ties in , almost a year before the attempted assassination of US Army Sergeant Robert Judd, which, according to the indictment, was Koufodinas operational debut with the group. Court proceedings, Korydallos prison chambers, 24 July The year-old Giotopoulos, whose fingerprints were identified by Greek police in 17Ns two Athens hideaways containing the groups arsenal, maintained throughout the trial that he had no involvement whatsoever with 17N.

According to Giotopoulos, the charges were nothing more than a cheap construct of the Americans and British signed by prosecutors and former provincial police and based on confessions taken in a hospital intensive care unit from people destroyed by psychotropic drugs and blackmail, referring to Savvas Xiross hospital confes- sion. Giotopoulos was convicted as the clear mastermind and leader of 17N. The prosecutor characterized him as the root of evil both before and after his arrest and proposed for him a sentencing that amounted to 2, years, which is what Giotopoulos eventually received.

Giotopouloss defence team maintained throughout that physical evidence was scant and that his conviction was basically the product of testimonies by other accused 17N members, a violation of the Greek criminal codes provi- sion which specifically states that the testimony of a guilty person alone cannot be sufficient in establishing guilt. Son of a prominent Trotskyite theoretician and activist of the pre-World War II era, Giotopoulos studied in France during the years of the Colonels junta, where in he helped found the radical May 29 movement, which advocated armed rebellion against the Greek mil- itary regime.

In , he was found guilty in absentia by the Greek authorities of creating an armed organization and was sentenced to five years in jail. He remained in Paris where he founded a new group, the Popular Armed Struggle LEA , which from its inception was divid- ed over how to direct its energies, Giotopoulos was in favor of aggressive acts of urban guer- rilla warfare and split from the group with a small clique of others. Returning to Athens after the fall of the Colonels regime in , he came, according to Greek police files, into contact with members of Greeces other prominent urban guerrilla group, Revolutionary Popular Struggle ELA , and attempted unsuccessfully to persuade them to sign on to a plan to abduct CIA station chief Richard Welch.

Welch was eventually shot dead outside his home on 23 December by 17N. Korydallos prison court chambers, 6 March Pre-trial Giotopoulos interview with provincial newspaper, Lamiakos Typos, 5 October The Welch communiqu, dated December , charged that US imperialism [was] the Number One enemy of the people and held the Americans responsible for decades of innu- merable humiliations, calamities and crimes inflicted upon the Greek people. Korydallos prison court chambers, 16 March Peter Paret, Clausewitz, in Peter Paret, ed.

Court proceedings, Korydallos prison chambers, 13 March See interview with Negri in the Independent, 17 August Read Free For 30 Days. Description: Flag for inappropriate content. Related titles. Carousel Previous Carousel Next. Journal of Contemporary History Kassimeris Jump to Page. Search inside document. Documents Similar To PB. Devon Bowers. Open Briefing.

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